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A Review of Postcolonial Scholarship: Conducting Research on Culture and Society
                    at how human culture and social structure are changing over time, and he has also not
                    thought about the diversity in human culture and social structure. I should mention
                    here that Leach's work in Pul Eliya (1961) was in reaction to Radcliffe-Brown style
                    anthropological concerns.

                    This  is  all  very  different  than  Geertz  (1973).  For  him,  as  for  most  cultural
                    anthropologists, the best way to understand the meaning of a cultural activity or even a
                    social structure (like marriage) is by seeing in the context of its daily use. Hence, if
                    anyone wants to know what marriage is in Sri Lanka, or purity in Jaffna, then he or she
                    had better do so by looking at how people actually do and act within marriages in Sri
                    Lanka, or at how people use notions of purity in Jaffna. Now it happens that this idea
                    that Geertz (1973) best way to observe the meaning of something is by seeing it in its
                    context of use (e.g., to know what a chair "means", sit in it like everyone else does), is
                    also found in the work of the philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein (1974). That is why
                    Geertz takes so much from Wittgenstein's "common language" philosophy, and why I
                    do too. But, really, its basic cultural anthropology too. Eventually, anthropologists
                    realized that there was a problem of representation in anthropology. The next section
                    will discuss this issue in detail.


                    4.2.   The problem of Representation in Anthropology

                    The research undertaken through structural-functionalism framework reflected a kind
                    of  continuation  of  colonial  ethnographic  tradition  and  the  British  social
                    anthropological tradition that came to dominate the anthropological research about
                    society and culture. As Cesaire (2013) mentions, the colonized can never recover from
                    the colonial wound as long as he or she is living with his or her colonizer. This indicates
                    the relationship between colonizers and colonized as a relation of domination and
                    submission in which the colonized is simply objectified. Further, this situation shows
                    how things are objectified and how culture, society and humans are depicted in a
                    particular way (Cesaire 2013). Such domination and objectification have caused an
                    issue  of  representation,  positionality,  and  reflexivity,  which  anthropologists  have
                    taken into account (Abu-Lughold, 2002; Du Bois, 1994; Trouillot, 2003; Marcus and
                    Fisher, 1999). For instance, Abu-Lughold (2002) disagrees with the Western notion of
                    female liberation that is as being inadequate to understand the veiling practice in
                    Afghanistan. Her argument makes claims about veiling without looking first at what
                    women who veil say about it being ethnocentric. She further critiques the people who
                    have overemphasized Islam as the key factor shaping gender relations in Afghanistan.
                    Ultimately, Abu-Lughold (2002) examines how resorting to cultural depictions and
                    explanations  of  behavior  as  reasons  for  taking  certain  action  can  lead  to
                    misrecognition of the meaning of these practices.

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